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Duke University Hospital Unionization Drives
The Duke University Hospital unionization drives of the 1970s involved two distinct organizing efforts aimed at uniting the service workers of Duke Hospital. The drives were defined by their fusion of the fight for worker’s rights with the battle for racial equality. The first drive in 1974 was characterized by unity amongst the workers involved, including members of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees Local 77, and a strong spirit of activism, but failed due to political infighting and resistance by the University.〔Tony Dunbar. “The Old South Triumphs at Duke.” ''Southern Changes'', 1, no. 9 (1979): 5.〕 The second drive, organized by a representative of the national American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) in 1978, was formed on the ideals of inclusion and keeping the union free of politics. The 1978 drive failed as well, in part due to the management company that Duke hired to instill fear in its workers, and partly due to the overall lack of spirit for organizing.〔Tony Dunbar. “The Old South Triumphs at Duke.” ''Southern Changes'', 1, no. 9 (1979): 5.〕 Despite the failure of these drives, they offer a revealing example of the convergence of civil rights and workers rights, highlighting both the status of the civil rights movement in Durham and the difficulty of instigating grassroots-level change in a corporation the size of Duke Hospital, not to mention larger Duke University community.
== Historical context ==
Labor militancy in hospitals throughout the United States witnessed significant increases in the 1950s through the mid-1970s.〔Karen Brodkin, ''Caring By The Hour'' (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 13.〕〔Ruth Milkman. ''Women, Work, and Protest: A Century of US Women’s Labor History.'' (Boston, MA: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985), 287.〕 This was largely the result of the contradiction between the expansion of clerical and technical jobs and the exclusion of black and unskilled workers from those jobs. Beginning in the North in the late 1950s and 1960s, the movement was characterized by the refusal of black, Hispanic, and women workers to settle for wages below the national minimum.〔Karen Brodkin. ''Caring By The Hour'' (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 14.〕 Because these employees were centered at urban medical complexes, this dissatisfaction sparked a nationwide movement in the unionization of hospital and public workers. Southern workers expanded upon this sentiment, intentionally melding issues of class and economic justice with those of workers’ rights.〔Tony Dunbar, “The Old South Triumphs at Duke,” ''Southern Changes'', 1, no. 9 (1979): 5-8.〕
Southern racism and anti-union leanings characterized Durham in the 1950s-1970s. Espousing the views of a traditional Southern community at the time, Durham, North Carolina held the sentiment that a “Negro must be kept in his place.”〔Robert Creamer. “Duke Employees Local 77: Confrontation over Impartial Arbitration of Grievances.” (Master’s Thesis, Duke University, 1967), 3.〕 Of all industries, the textile industry was most opposed to unions, and Durham was home to numerous textile mills. In fact, many of the key supporters of Duke University, one of Durham’s major employers, had close ties to this industry.〔Robert Creamer. “Duke Employees Local 77: Confrontation over Impartial Arbitration of Grievances.” (Master’s Thesis, Duke University, 1967), 3.〕 In combination with the weak position of labor in Southern communities, the prevalence of textile mills served as a basis for Durham’s quiet, yet prevalent anti-unionist attitude.
Duke University demonstrated both the anti-union and racist attitudes of Durham while holding the power of a large corporation. Historically, blacks were confined to non- or semi-skilled jobs.〔Robert Creamer. “Duke Employees Local 77: Confrontation over Impartial Arbitration of Grievances.” (Master’s Thesis, Duke University, 1967), 3.〕 While this can be partially attributed to lack of proper qualifications,〔Robert Creamer. “Duke Employees Local 77: Confrontation over Impartial Arbitration of Grievances.” (Master’s Thesis, Duke University, 1967), 3.〕 Duke’s Vice President in charge of Business and Finance, Charles B. Huestis, openly admitted that Duke “practice() wholesale racial discrimination in its hiring policies.”〔Robert Creamer. “Duke Employees Local 77: Confrontation over Impartial Arbitration of Grievances.” (Master’s Thesis, Duke University, 1967), 3.〕 The salaries of these non-skilled workers reflected additional inequality, as maids and janitors, all who were black, received wages between $1.15-1.50 per hour— well below the minimum wage of $1.60.〔Karen Brodkin. ''Caring By The Hour'' (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 50-52.〕 Workers were also disadvantaged in other regards, as the University had no grievance procedure, policy for summer layoffs, or job classification system. Furthermore, the University ignored the seniority system in terms of job advancement and firing procedures. Suppressing workers’ voices in the formation of workplace policies, Duke encouraged unskilled employees to simply make complaints, which their superiors then ignored.〔Robert Creamer. “Duke Employees Local 77: Confrontation over Impartial Arbitration of Grievances.” (Master’s Thesis, Duke University, 1967), 4-7.〕 Thus, the poor working conditions, low wages, racism, and desire to secure more authority and control in the workplace provided sufficient fuel for Duke workers to consider forming a union.
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